Women's Health Magazine

Through exploring ‘Women’s Health Magazine’ covers I encountered two narratives that communicated how women accomplish health. The magazine covers presented bellow were the cultural artifacts, or texts, used in my content analysis research (van den Hoonaard, 2014: 121). Using an unobtrusive method, I considered these artifacts on two levels: manifest content (easily observable content) and latent content (the implicit meaning in the content) (van den Hoonaard, 2014: 121). The first narrative that is communicated through ‘Women’s Health Magazine’ covers is the notion that health is something that can be, and should be, quickly attained. This narrative is presented using phrases like “fast”, “8-hour”, “5-minutes” and “two weeks” to refer to fat loss, diet and exercise programs. Often punctuated with explanation marks and bold dark lettering, the phrases are eye-catching and prominent. Health in this sense is communicated to be a very particular type of health, which is directly related to dieting for the purposes of fat and weight loss. These phrases extend to the models that are paired alongside these phrases. They all are seemingly white, with long hair and a thin midsection. The models thighs and legs are so small that they do not appear to touch. Referring to health in terms of a short timeline is buttressed by the notion of easiness, as is seen in the “easy abs diet”. The inverse of this claim is that if one cannot lose fat in a “fast” and “easy” manner than it is that person who is failing. The images invoke the belief that the way that these cover models look is a simple and doable process. Conversely, health then, is portrayed as achievable. These adjectives communicate that health is something that is convenient and controllable, to the omission of ailments that may be out of an individuals’ control. The second narrative that is communicated through ‘Women’s Health Magazine’ covers is equating thinness with health. …show more content…
More specifically, thinness and health are directly linked to a woman’s “belly” or lack thereof. Through large and ominous font, the noun is used in an unflattering way and is repeatedly referred to in relation to “losing”, to “flatten” and to “shrink”. The healthy stomach area then, is communicated as being flat, slimed and toned. The models that complement these phrases embody these purportedly healthy attributes. The women have very narrow waistlines, flat stomachs, thin arms and angular facial features. Overall, the women appear to have a very low body fat percentage and are white. In four of the five sample covers below the model is playfully touching her long hair. The models, and this pose in particular, infer a particular type of femininity. The poses are highly flirtatious, passive and inviting. They communicate a narrative that suggests that for a woman to be healthy, she needs to embody this stereotypical brand of femininity. Her health is directly linked to her availability and her capacity to rid herself of her belly. Subsequently, the notion that a woman should literally be less, and take up less space, is a common trope. This notion of the shrinking woman, both literally and figuratively, conveys the message that women are socialized to minimize themselves. The binary conception of gender suggests that woman must do this to create more space for men, and in doing so men will find them desirable and sexy. The narrative that