Last year, I wrote a quantitative research paper analyzing …show more content…
2011). However, teens believe they are not receiving enough information, or even information pertaining to their curiosity when parents do discuss sex with them. Parents, on the other hand, have the impression they are providing their children with the information they need to make informed decisions regarding their sexual health. It seems as though adolescents’ judge talking about sex with their parents through the quality of the information, mothers conclude they talked to their teens based on the actual action of talking with their children, regardless of the quality of the information provided (Jaccard et al. 2000).
Comprehensive sexual education is the preferred method of sex education in schools, according to public opinion (Herrman et al. 2013; Rose 2005). The rates of comprehensive sexual education have been on a decline in the last couple of decades (Herrman et al. 2013). Funding has been given to schools to teach an abstinence-only approach and to not provide information on contraceptive options (Rose 2005). Many students who have taken sexual education at school deem the curriculum not useful and a negative experience (Dudley et al. …show more content…
According to a report from the Guttmacher Institute (2016), if there is a discussion about sexual health between teenagers and medical providers, the conversation lasts, on average, 36 seconds. Many healthcare providers prefer to have parental consent before supplying contraception to adolescents, as public opinion has shown parents are the preferred source of sexual health information for adolescents. As a result, medical providers wish to leave the quality and quantity of the information to the decision of the parents. Parents, on the other hand, believe medical providers to be a useful resource for their teenagers. Unless there is a conversation between medical provider and parents, the adolescents are unable to receive much sexual health information from their medical