In chapter three, “Black Faces in High Places”, Taylor discusses the rise of Black political power and its consequences for the Black poor and working class. Johnson’s War on Poverty and Great Society programs, between 1965 and 1972, created many job opportunities for Black workers. African Americans became wealthy enough to “live in spacious homes, buy luxury goods, travel abroad on vacation, spoil their children- to live, in other words, just like well-to-do white folks” (81). The emergence of the black middle class, allowed many Black elected officials to represent Black communities. The experiences of this small African American group became success stories of “how hard work could enable Blacks to overcome institutional challenges” (82).
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The government and politicians believed that “more Black control and ownership within the cities might help to calm the rebellious Black population” (83). In other words, the government and politicians believed that by electing Black mayors the tensions between the Black population within the cities will be resolved. Taylor argues that the “utility of Black elected officials lies in their ability, as members of the community, to scold ordinary Black people in ways that white politicians could never get away with” (79). The government used Black electoral power as a strategy to relive the tensions, riots, and protest that concerned police brutality.
The emergence of Black middle class, allowed people like Carl Stokes of Cleveland, Ohio, to become …show more content…
In response to the deaths of Mike Brown (27 August 2014) and Ferguson (09 August 2014), many protests emerged throughout the nation. “The police response to the uprising was intended to repress and punish the population, who had dared to defy their authority” (155). As the daily protests went on, the police brutality of Ferguson increased as a result of “frustration that they {police} could not make the Black men and women of Ferguson submit” (156). The Ferguson rebellion became the “focal point for the growing anger in Black communities across the country” (157). The young people of Ferguson experienced daily harassment. Taylor discusses the tensions between the old guard and the new generation. The black youth who were very much involved in the protests and marches for Brown and Ferguson, were blamed for the violence that had been the central theme on social media. Rev. Al Sharpton, declared himself as “the new national face of the civil rights establishment” (159). He arrived to Ferguson only after “young Black people had already endured two standoffs with police that had ended with tear gas and rubber bullets” (159). Sharpton wanted to stage-manage the Black Lives Matter Movement and take leadership after the Black youth has done all the “hard work”. He delivered a eulogy at Brown’s funeral, which “confirmed a sense among the new activists that Sharpton and those like him were out of step”
The government and politicians believed that “more Black control and ownership within the cities might help to calm the rebellious Black population” (83). In other words, the government and politicians believed that by electing Black mayors the tensions between the Black population within the cities will be resolved. Taylor argues that the “utility of Black elected officials lies in their ability, as members of the community, to scold ordinary Black people in ways that white politicians could never get away with” (79). The government used Black electoral power as a strategy to relive the tensions, riots, and protest that concerned police brutality.
The emergence of Black middle class, allowed people like Carl Stokes of Cleveland, Ohio, to become …show more content…
In response to the deaths of Mike Brown (27 August 2014) and Ferguson (09 August 2014), many protests emerged throughout the nation. “The police response to the uprising was intended to repress and punish the population, who had dared to defy their authority” (155). As the daily protests went on, the police brutality of Ferguson increased as a result of “frustration that they {police} could not make the Black men and women of Ferguson submit” (156). The Ferguson rebellion became the “focal point for the growing anger in Black communities across the country” (157). The young people of Ferguson experienced daily harassment. Taylor discusses the tensions between the old guard and the new generation. The black youth who were very much involved in the protests and marches for Brown and Ferguson, were blamed for the violence that had been the central theme on social media. Rev. Al Sharpton, declared himself as “the new national face of the civil rights establishment” (159). He arrived to Ferguson only after “young Black people had already endured two standoffs with police that had ended with tear gas and rubber bullets” (159). Sharpton wanted to stage-manage the Black Lives Matter Movement and take leadership after the Black youth has done all the “hard work”. He delivered a eulogy at Brown’s funeral, which “confirmed a sense among the new activists that Sharpton and those like him were out of step”