Originally Cuba's abortion laws were subject to the "restrictive penal code of Spain" under which all forms of induced abortions were illegal (Bélanger and Flynn 15; UN Abortion Policy Cuba 2). The restrictions lifted slightly, "with the inception of the Social Defense Code in 1938, induced abortion became permissible in three situations", which were danger to the mother's life, presence of fetal birth defects, and when the pregnancy was the result of rape" (Bélanger and Flynn 15). However, by the late 1950s the laws were not strictly enforced and therefore women could access illegal abortions easily (Hollerbach 100). Moreover, as was the case in Chile the danger associated with clandestine abortions lead to an increase in maternal mortality
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Therefore, "since 1965, abortion has been available on request up to the tenth week of gestation through the national health system" without restrictions (UN Abortion Policy Cuba 2); this law also decreased economic burdens for abortions because all abortions performed in national health care clinics are free (Bélanger and Flynn 13). Abortions after ten weeks were also performed, but required approval from different physicians (Hollerbach 100). Such requirements, demonstrate a concern for the health and safety of the mothers, unlike the Chilean case that risked women's lives during the same time by limiting abortion access. According to the United Nations, since 1974 " abortion rates have fluctuated between 47 and 62 abortions per 1,000 women. Although an increase in contraceptive use in Cuba has reduced abortion rates in the past 15 years, levels remain fairly high" (2). This statistic reinforces the idea that abortions are socially acceptable in Cuba because a majority of women have them despite the availability of other preventive method, such as, IUDs. At an abortion rate of 2.3 Cuba held one of the highest rates of abortion in the world in the 1990s (Bélanger and Flynn …show more content…
Abortion culture is the idea that society views abortion "as comparable to contraceptive use" (Bélanger and Flynn 14). This notion is common in socialist countries that nationalize their health care systems. In several cases such system provide weak contraceptives, constructing abortion as a more reliable option to avoid an unwanted pregnancy (Bélanger and Flynn 14). The unreliability of contraceptives and the absence of abortion related shame or stigma allows for this trend to continue (Bélanger and Flynn 21). In several ways this social stance in conjunction with the legality and widespread access to abortions makes Cuba a very progressive society in terms of women's reproductive health care. Bélanger and Flynn state, " Cuban abortion policy is based on the belief that family planning is a good thing and that contraceptive use allows a woman and her partner to decide when they want to engage in sexual activity for the purpose of having children" (16). This viewpoint is radically different than the situation in Chile. Despite differences in the histories of abortion access in Chile and Cuba, the countries have very similar situations in terms of women's reproductive
Therefore, "since 1965, abortion has been available on request up to the tenth week of gestation through the national health system" without restrictions (UN Abortion Policy Cuba 2); this law also decreased economic burdens for abortions because all abortions performed in national health care clinics are free (Bélanger and Flynn 13). Abortions after ten weeks were also performed, but required approval from different physicians (Hollerbach 100). Such requirements, demonstrate a concern for the health and safety of the mothers, unlike the Chilean case that risked women's lives during the same time by limiting abortion access. According to the United Nations, since 1974 " abortion rates have fluctuated between 47 and 62 abortions per 1,000 women. Although an increase in contraceptive use in Cuba has reduced abortion rates in the past 15 years, levels remain fairly high" (2). This statistic reinforces the idea that abortions are socially acceptable in Cuba because a majority of women have them despite the availability of other preventive method, such as, IUDs. At an abortion rate of 2.3 Cuba held one of the highest rates of abortion in the world in the 1990s (Bélanger and Flynn …show more content…
Abortion culture is the idea that society views abortion "as comparable to contraceptive use" (Bélanger and Flynn 14). This notion is common in socialist countries that nationalize their health care systems. In several cases such system provide weak contraceptives, constructing abortion as a more reliable option to avoid an unwanted pregnancy (Bélanger and Flynn 14). The unreliability of contraceptives and the absence of abortion related shame or stigma allows for this trend to continue (Bélanger and Flynn 21). In several ways this social stance in conjunction with the legality and widespread access to abortions makes Cuba a very progressive society in terms of women's reproductive health care. Bélanger and Flynn state, " Cuban abortion policy is based on the belief that family planning is a good thing and that contraceptive use allows a woman and her partner to decide when they want to engage in sexual activity for the purpose of having children" (16). This viewpoint is radically different than the situation in Chile. Despite differences in the histories of abortion access in Chile and Cuba, the countries have very similar situations in terms of women's reproductive